Hi Friends,

Even as I launch this today ( my 80th Birthday ), I realize that there is yet so much to say and do. There is just no time to look back, no time to wonder,"Will anyone read these pages?"

With regards,
Hemen Parekh
27 June 2013

Now as I approach my 90th birthday ( 27 June 2023 ) , I invite you to visit my Digital Avatar ( www.hemenparekh.ai ) – and continue chatting with me , even when I am no more here physically

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Wednesday, 11 February 2026

When Speed Meets Privilege

When Speed Meets Privilege

I watched the footage of a luxury sports car tearing through a busy city street and felt that familiar mix of anger and helplessness — not at the machine, but at the systems around it.

What happened (brief)

A high-end Italian sports car lost control on a VIP road, first striking other vehicles and then mounting a motorcycle before colliding with a street fixture. Several pedestrians and riders were injured. CCTV clips and on-the-ground videos circulated within hours; the formal investigation, the FIR and the charging decisions followed over the next few days. Authorities eventually seized the vehicle and arrested an accused person after a period of public outrage and legal wrangling NDTV report and Times of India account.

Why this matters beyond a single crash

  • Systems fail faster than machines. When there’s delay in naming an accused, conducting immediate medical/forensic tests, or securing evidence, public trust drains away quickly.
  • Visible wealth and private entourages make ordinary citizens ask whether the law applies equally in practice as it does on paper.
  • Technology (CCTV, mobile video, forensics) can both expose and be undermined — timeliness, chain-of-custody and independent examination matter.

I’ve been writing for years about how technology can make transport safer — from vehicles that talk to infrastructure to systems that automatically immobilize dangerously driven vehicles. Those ideas aren’t theoretical anymore; incidents like this force us to ask why we haven’t implemented them faster (Internet of Vehicles (IoV)?).

The troubling timeline

  • First response: a chaotic scene, injured people, and immediate video evidence shared by bystanders.
  • Investigation: initial FIR named an unknown driver; later, investigators updated the FIR based on CCTV and witness accounts.
  • Claims and counterclaims: competing narratives (medical emergency, designated driver, technical defect) surfaced publicly while evidence was being gathered.
  • Enforcement action: vehicle taken for technical examination; arrest came days later, after public pressure and court proceedings Moneycontrol summary.

Those gaps — between incident and decisive, transparent action — are where trust is lost and suspicion of privilege grows.

Evidence, technology and the limits of delay

  • CCTV and smartphone videos are vital, but they must be authenticated and preserved. Once time passes, tests for intoxication or impairment become far less conclusive.
  • Forensics on vehicles (ECU data, brake-system logs, locking/seat-position information) can tell a detailed story — if investigators get timely access.
  • Medical claims (seizure, fainting, medical emergency) are legitimate possibilities; they must be evaluated quickly and independently so they don’t become tools for obfuscation.

In short: the speed of the investigation must match the speed of the incident.

What I think we should demand — practical steps

  • Rapid-response forensic protocols: mandatory seizure and secured examination of involved vehicles within hours, not days.
  • Immediate, court-monitored medical and toxicology testing for drivers in serious crashes.
  • Transparent public reporting of evidence custody (who accessed the vehicle, when and why).
  • Faster administrative checks on ownership, service history and prior complaints against vehicles that routinely appear in high-risk incidents.
  • Wider adoption of safety tech: in-vehicle event data recorders, alcohol interlocks for commercial and high-performance vehicles, and IoV measures that can flag dangerous behaviour to authorities in real time.

I’ve argued previously for automatic immobilisation and IoV solutions as practical tools to reduce reckless driving. Those solutions aren’t about punishing the wealthy — they are about removing opportunities for any driver to cause harm when they become a danger on the road (My earlier IoV post).

A civic ask

I’m not asking for a spectacle of punishment. I’m asking for two things: clarity and speed. Clarity in evidence and in public communication. Speed in medical tests, technical forensics and legal processes. Victims need restitution and clear answers; citizens need to see that institutions work equally for everyone.

We can be fascinated by speed and power, but we cannot allow fascination to replace accountability. As a country and as a community of road users, our job is to make sure technology and law protect the vulnerable faster than privilege can shield the powerful.


Regards,
Hemen Parekh


Any questions / doubts / clarifications regarding this blog? Just ask (by typing or talking) my Virtual Avatar on the website embedded below. Then "Share" that to your friend on WhatsApp.

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Hello Candidates :

  • For UPSC – IAS – IPS – IFS etc., exams, you must prepare to answer, essay type questions which test your General Knowledge / Sensitivity of current events
  • If you have read this blog carefully , you should be able to answer the following question:
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Be Ready for Exemplary Costs

Be Ready for Exemplary Costs

I watched the latest Supreme Court hearing with a mix of legal curiosity and civic concern. A writ petition filed by a senior opposition parliamentarian asking the Court to strike down or restrain an Office Memorandum (OM) from the Union government met with a sharp question from the bench: can a judgment or its implementation be challenged by a writ petition? The Court openly warned the petitioner to “be ready for exemplary costs” and the matter was withdrawn rather than argued to judgment — a vivid episode that raises questions about procedure, environmental rights and the role of public advocacy.

What happened — in plain terms

  • A political leader from the opposition filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court challenging an Office Memorandum issued by the central government that seeks to implement (or clarify) the apex court’s own earlier rulings on retrospective environmental clearances.Times of India
  • At the hearing, a bench questioned whether a writ petition under Article 32 is the right vehicle to challenge an OM that is intended to give effect to a Supreme Court judgment; the bench observed that such a petition would amount to an indirect challenge to a judgment itself.LiveLaw
  • The Court warned the petitioner about exemplary costs — a judicial tool to deter frivolous or strategically timed litigation. Faced with that warning, the petitioner withdrew the petition with liberty to seek review through appropriate channels.Times of India

Why this matters: background and timeline

  • In May of last year, a two-judge bench delivered a judgment that effectively barred retrospective (ex post facto) environmental clearances to projects that violated norms — a decision welcomed by environmental advocates as strengthening the right to a clean environment.
  • That May decision was itself reviewed last year by a larger bench; elements of the earlier order were recalled or referred for reconsideration, creating legal uncertainty about whether and when retrospective clearances might be regularised.The Telegraph
  • The Union government issued an OM intended to implement the Court’s directions or its reconsideration in the review process. The petitioner challenged that OM in a fresh writ petition.

The legal issues at stake

  • Maintainability: Is a writ under Article 32 an appropriate route to contest an OM that deals with the implementation of a Supreme Court judgment? The bench’s point was procedural: an OM implementing a judgment is not easily contestable via Article 32 if the real dispute is about the judgment itself.LiveLaw
  • Substance: The deeper substantive issue is whether retrospective environmental clearances — allowing projects to be regularised after breaches — are legally permissible and compatible with the constitutional duty to protect the environment and public health.Economic Times
  • Judicial discipline and deterrence: The bench’s warning of exemplary costs underscores a judicial concern about the misuse of top-court processes for publicity or tactical advantage rather than bona fide legal grievance.

Reactions and implications

  • Political optics: The filing and its quick withdrawal after the stern judicial reaction will be read politically — as both a high-profile attempt to press an environmental argument and as a cautionary tale about procedural missteps.
  • For environmental jurisprudence: The episode spotlights the larger and unresolved debate over retrospective clearances. If courts or governments permit regularisation after environmental breaches, the deterrent against wilful violations weakens. If courts are asked to re-open or indirectly revisit their own judgments through collateral petitions, procedural lines are tested.The Telegraph
  • For litigants: The prospect of exemplary costs acts as a warning — strategic or publicity-driven petitions that improperly target judgments or their implementation risk financial and reputational consequences.

My perspective

I have long argued that environmental protection requires both clarity in law and a political will to enforce it; courts must be careful guardians of both legal process and substantive rights. Public interest litigation is vital — but so is choosing the correct procedural avenue. When we mix high-stakes environmental questions with shortcuts in litigation strategy, we risk delay and doctrinal confusion that benefits neither the environment nor the rule of law.Climate Conundrum

This episode is a reminder that the architecture of rights — constitutional remedies, administrative orders, and judicial judgments — must work in concert. If we disagree with a judgment, the proper route is review or a collegium-constituted rehearing; if we challenge an administrative act, the petition must squarely address the administrative legality. In either case, the stakes are too high for procedural misfires.

What to watch next

  • Whether the petitioner seeks review of the earlier judgment (the route the Court expressly left open).
  • How the Centre frames and defends its OM in future litigation — and whether any further judicial bench clarifies the permissible scope of retrospective environmental regularisation.

If you care about environmental governance — and about judicial process — this episode is worth following. It combines doctrine, procedure and politics in a way that will shape how future disputes over environmental clearance are litigated and decided.


Regards,
Hemen Parekh


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Hello Candidates :

  • For UPSC – IAS – IPS – IFS etc., exams, you must prepare to answer, essay type questions which test your General Knowledge / Sensitivity of current events
  • If you have read this blog carefully , you should be able to answer the following question:
"What is the legal difference between challenging an administrative Office Memorandum and seeking review of a Supreme Court judgment, and why does it matter for environmental law?"
  • Need help ? No problem . Following are two AI AGENTS where we have PRE-LOADED this question in their respective Question Boxes . All that you have to do is just click SUBMIT
    1. www.HemenParekh.ai { a SLM , powered by my own Digital Content of more than 50,000 + documents, written by me over past 60 years of my professional career }
    2. www.IndiaAGI.ai { a consortium of 3 LLMs which debate and deliver a CONSENSUS answer – and each gives its own answer as well ! }
  • It is up to you to decide which answer is more comprehensive / nuanced ( For sheer amazement, click both SUBMIT buttons quickly, one after another ) Then share any answer with yourself / your friends ( using WhatsApp / Email ). Nothing stops you from submitting ( just copy / paste from your resource ), all those questions from last year’s UPSC exam paper as well !
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MP-MLA : On Permanent Probation ?


 

===================================================


Dear Shri Raghav Chadhaji

[ raghav.chadha@sansad.nic.in / raghavchadha.mprs@sansad.nic.in ]

  

I just came across this news report where you have proposed some method whereby voters can recall a MP / MLA , if they are not satisfied with his performance :

https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/aaps-raghav-chadha-pushes-for-right-to-recall-of-elected-mlas-mps-10986579

Many thanks for raising this very important aspect of the ACCOUNTABILITY of MP/MLA towards his constituent voters

I have, myself , suggested this to our Cabinet Ministers through my following emails :

 

>         ROMP - A Panacea ?  ……………………………             06  Aug  2015

>         Artificial Intelligence to fix MP / MLA Salary ? ..  22  Feb  2018

>         Decorum , Discipline , Decency ? Who cares !  .. 06  July  2021

 

Dear Shri Chadhaji,

 

Whereas your suggestion is very timely, I urge you to take it to its logical end-point by introducing a suitable BILL in the Rajya Sabha

For your evaluation, I attach below, such a BILL drafted by GROK , using my 2015 email FRAME WORK as its basis

 

I will greatly appreciate your acknowledgement / comments

 

With Regards,

Hemen Parekh

www.HemenParekh.ai / www.IndiaAGI.ai / www.My-Teacher.in / 12 Feb 2026

 PS :

I think our Ministers and Politicians , would greatly benefit if the websites of Lok Sabha and of the State Legislatures, were to have a provision where " Duty Conscious Citizen " can upload DRAFT BILLS ( like the one below ) . Other citizen may be able to post their COMMENTS / MODIFICATIONS 

Instead of citizen just complaining, this provision would encourage them to come forward with CONSTRUCTIVE  action plans pertaining to Societal problems 


================================================

Recall of MP / MLA Act - 2026

A Bill to provide for the recall of Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs) by their constituents on grounds of dissatisfaction with performance, without requiring any criminal proceedings, and for matters connected therewith.

Be it enacted by Parliament in the Seventy-seventh Year of the Republic of India as follows:

1. Short Title, Extent, and Commencement

(1) This Act may be called the Recall of MP / MLA Act, 2026. (2) It extends to the whole of India. (3) It shall come into force on such date as the Central Government may, by notification in the Official Gazette, appoint.

2. Definitions

In this Act, unless the context otherwise requires: (a) "Constituent Voter" means a person who is registered on the electoral roll of the constituency and who cast a vote (including NOTA) in the election from which the MP or MLA was elected. (b) "Presiding Officer" means:

  • The Speaker of the Lok Sabha for Lok Sabha MPs;
  • The Chairman of the Rajya Sabha for Rajya Sabha MPs;
  • The Speaker of the Legislative Assembly for MLAs;
  • Or any person acting in that capacity. (c) "Recall" means the removal of an MP or MLA from office, leading to a by-election. (d) "Signature Campaign" means an online process for collecting electronic signatures from Constituent Voters in support of recalling an MP or MLA.

3. Grounds for Recall

(1) An MP or MLA may be recalled by Constituent Voters if they are dissatisfied with the member's performance, conduct, or effectiveness in representing the constituency. (2) No criminal offense, FIR, charge sheet, arrest, bail, trial, or punishment is required or involved in the recall process.

4. Initiation of Recall Process

(1) Any Constituent Voter may file a petition with the Presiding Officer seeking permission to initiate a Signature Campaign for the recall of the MP or MLA elected from their constituency. (2) The petition shall include:

  • The petitioner's details and proof of being a Constituent Voter;
  • Reasons for dissatisfaction (e.g., lack of honesty, integrity, sincerity, hard work, punctuality, dignity, adherence to rules, approachability, responsiveness to voters, or respectful conduct, as inspired by public frameworks for evaluation).
  • Supporting affidavits from at least 100 other Constituent Voters. (3) The Presiding Officer shall verify the petition within 30 days and may grant permission if satisfied that it is genuine and not frivolous.

5. Suspension During Campaign

Upon granting permission for the Signature Campaign, the concerned MP or MLA shall be suspended from attending sessions of Parliament or the Legislative Assembly until the campaign concludes and results are declared. During suspension, the member shall retain salary and allowances but lose voting and participation rights.

6. Conduct of Online Signature Campaign

(1) The Signature Campaign shall be hosted on the official website of the concerned Legislature (e.g., Parliament of India or State Legislative Assembly website), authorized and launched by the Presiding Officer. (2) The campaign shall run for a fixed duration of 60 days from the date of launch. (3) Only Constituent Voters may participate, verified through Aadhaar-linked biometric identification or other secure electronic means integrated with the Election Commission's database. (4) Participants shall provide a simple affirmation of support for recall (e.g., "I support the recall of [MP/MLA Name]"). No detailed ratings are required, but the system may optionally allow brief justifications. (5) To prevent undue influence, the ongoing results (e.g., number of signatures collected) shall not be visible or accessible to the public, voters, or the concerned MP/MLA during the campaign period. (6) The Election Commission shall oversee the technical integrity of the campaign platform.

7. Threshold for Recall

(1) For the recall to be valid, at least 66% of the total Constituent Voters (who voted in the relevant election) must participate in the Signature Campaign. (2) Recall shall be effected if more than 66% of the participating voters affirm support for recall. (3) If participation meets the threshold but support is divided (e.g., some for lesser measures like suspension), the Presiding Officer may opt for extended suspension instead of full recall, based on the majority sentiment.

8. Declaration of Results

(1) At the end of the campaign duration, the Presiding Officer shall verify and declare the results publicly on the Legislature's website and through notification in the Official Gazette and leading newspapers within 7 days. (2) If the recall is successful, the seat shall be declared vacant, and a by-election shall be conducted by the Election Commission within 60 days.

9. Safeguards and Penalties

(1) Frivolous petitions or misuse of the process (e.g., false signatures) shall attract penalties under the Indian Penal Code for forgery or misrepresentation. (2) The concerned MP or MLA may challenge the process in the High Court on grounds of procedural irregularity. (3) No recall campaign may be initiated within the first two years of the member's term or within six months of the end of the term.

10. Power to Make Rules

The Central Government may, by notification, make rules for carrying out the provisions of this Act, including technical standards for the online platform and verification processes.

Statement of Objects and Reasons

This Act aims to enhance accountability of elected representatives by empowering voters to recall underperforming MPs or MLAs through a transparent, online mechanism, drawing from public proposals like the 2015 "ROMP" framework, without involving criminal justice elements. It promotes democratic participation while safeguarding against abuse.

 

ANNEXURE :

Comparison of the Proposed "Recall of MP / MLA Act - 2026" to Global Recall Laws

The proposed Indian draft introduces a recall mechanism for individual Members of Parliament (MPs) and Members of Legislative Assemblies (MLAs) based on voter dissatisfaction with performance, without requiring criminal wrongdoing.

This is a form of "political recall," which is relatively rare globally at the national level for legislators.

Worldwide, recall provisions are more common for local officials or executives (e.g., mayors, governors, presidents) than for national parliamentarians.

They exist in at least 25 countries, primarily at subnational levels, and are used sparingly due to high thresholds and procedural hurdles.

Key global examples include the US (state legislators), UK (national MPs, but misconduct-based), Canada (provincial MLAs), Switzerland (cantonal parliaments), Taiwan (national legislators), Bolivia (national elected officials), Ecuador (national), and Peru (subnational). Recalls often stem from direct democracy traditions, with Latin America seeing frequent use at local levels.

The Indian draft shares similarities with "bottom-up" or direct recall systems (e.g., petition-initiated) but includes unique features like :

> mandatory suspension during the campaign, > hidden results, and

> an online-only platform on the egislature's website.

Globally, thresholds are generally lower (10-40% signatures), processes are often physical (not online-exclusive), and suspension is rare. Outcomes typically lead to by-elections or replacements, with safeguards against abuse (e.g., time limits on initiation).

Below is a table comparing core aspects across selected countries/regions where recall applies to legislators. Examples focus on systems for parliamentarians or equivalents; where national-level recall is absent, subnational analogs are used for comparison.

Aspect

Indian Draft (Proposed)

UK (Recall of MPs Act 2015)

US (State Legislators, e.g., in 19 States like California)

Canada (British Columbia, Recall and Initiative Act 1995)

Switzerland (6 Cantons, e.g., Bern)

Taiwan (Constitutional Amendments)

Bolivia (2009 Constitution)

Level

National (MPs) and state (MLAs).

National (MPs in House of Commons).

Primarily state (legislators); no national.

Provincial (MLAs).

Cantonal (subnational parliaments).

National (legislators).

National (all elected officials, including legislators).

Targets

Individual MPs/MLAs.

Individual MPs.

Individual state legislators.

Individual MLAs.

Whole parliament or government (not individuals).

Individual legislators.

Individual elected authorities.

Grounds Required

None; based on dissatisfaction (e.g., performance, conduct).

Specific wrongdoing (e.g., custodial sentence >1 year, serious misconduct like expenses fraud). No general dissatisfaction.

Varies: malfeasance/misconduct in 7 states; none (political) in others.

None (political dissatisfaction allowed).

None specified (political).

None (political).

Programmatic (performance against plans); no malfeasance required.

Initiation

Petition by constituent voter + 100 affidavits; Speaker/Presiding Officer permission.

Indirect: Triggered by official findings (e.g., court conviction or parliamentary committee). No public initiation.

Direct: Public petition.

Direct: Public petition (after 18 months in office).

Direct: Public petition.

Direct for lower officials; indirect (legislative proposal) for higher.

Direct: Public request.

Signature/Participation Thresholds

66% of constituent voters must participate; >66% of participants must support recall.

10% of electorate signs petition to trigger by-election.

Varies: e.g., 12-25% of votes from last election.

>40% of registered voters in constituency.

Varies: 2-30% of electorate (e.g., 30,000 signatures in Bern).

>50% valid ballots with >50% turnout for high officials; varies for others.

15-30% signatures (depending on office).

Process Details

60-day online signature campaign on legislature website; results hidden during process to avoid influence; verified via Aadhaar/biometrics.

6-week physical petition period at designated spots; no online mandate; no hidden results.

90-180 day petition collection (physical/digital hybrid in some); court review possible; recall election if threshold met. No suspension or hidden results.

Petition collection; validated by elections body; no suspension; results public.

Signature collection; leads to vote; no online specifics or suspension.

Signature collection (recently added ID verification, some online elements); no suspension mentioned.

Mid-term only; signature collection; vote if valid. No online or suspension.

Suspension During Process

Yes: MP/MLA suspended from sessions (retains salary but no voting/participation).

No.

No (rare exceptions).

No.

No.

No.

No.

Outcomes

Seat vacated; by-election within 60 days.

By-election if petition succeeds; recalled MP can run again.

Removal + replacement election (simultaneous in some states).

Seat vacated; by-election.

New elections for whole body.

Removal; by-election.

Removal; new elections.

Safeguards

No initiation in first 2 years or last 6 months; penalties for misuse; court challenge option.

Strict triggers limit use; only 3 petitions held (2018-2019).

Time limits (e.g., not in first/last year); grounds in some states.

No petition in first 18 months; one per term.

High thresholds; rarely used.

After first year; one per term; 2024 amendments for verification.

Mid-term only; one process per term.

Examples of Usage

N/A (proposed).

3 petitions (e.g., 2018 North Antrim; none led to recall due to low signatures).

Numerous: e.g., 2011 Arizona (Russell Pearce recalled); 2013 Colorado (2 senators).

26 petitions launched; none succeeded (e.g., 1998 Paul Reitsma resigned mid-process).

12 attempts; 4 votes; all unsuccessful except historical (1862 Aargau, pre-abolition).

2025 "Great Recall Wave" targeting 30+ legislators; 2020 Kaohsiung mayor success.

Sporadic; part of broader activations (e.g., local levels).

Similarities to Draft

Direct initiation; no grounds needed; leads to by-election.

Individual targeting; petition-based.

Political recall option; petition thresholds.

Political recall; high threshold; by-election.

Petition-based.

Individual targeting; some online verification.

No malfeasance required; direct process.

Differences from Draft

No suspension; lower thresholds; misconduct triggers only; no online/hidden results.

No suspension; grounds required; physical process.

No mandatory online/hidden results; lower thresholds; varies by state.

No suspension/online; lower threshold (40%).

Targets whole body; no suspension/online.

No hidden results/suspension; indirect for some.

No online/suspension; programmatic focus.

Overall, the Indian draft's high thresholds (66%) make success unlikely, similar to global trends where recalls rarely succeed (e.g., none in Colombia despite 54 votes; dormant in Cuba).

Its online focus aligns with modern trends (e.g., Taiwan's 2024 ID verification), but suspension and hidden results are distinctive, potentially to ensure fairness but risking controversy over access and transparency.

Globally, recalls are debated as tools for accountability versus instability; in Peru, over 5,000 local activations (1997-2013) led to reforms requiring grounds after 2015 to curb abuse. If enacted, India's system could inspire similar digital mechanisms elsewhere, but might face challenges in implementation given low global usage at national levels.