Hi Friends,

Even as I launch this today ( my 80th Birthday ), I realize that there is yet so much to say and do. There is just no time to look back, no time to wonder,"Will anyone read these pages?"

With regards,
Hemen Parekh
27 June 2013

Now as I approach my 90th birthday ( 27 June 2023 ) , I invite you to visit my Digital Avatar ( www.hemenparekh.ai ) – and continue chatting with me , even when I am no more here physically

Saturday, 29 March 2025

Transparent Funding of Political Parties

 

 

Some 8 years ago, Government introduced ELECTORAL BONDS system for funding of political parties.

Ever since , there has been considerable – and diverging – views in respect of its transparency. This aspect was under debate, not only by public at large but also by the Election Commission and the Supreme Court . Last year, Supreme Court struck down this scheme .

This has not helped.  If anything , opaqueness has only increased ! 

And no one has come forward with an alternative and transparent scheme

Correction :

I submitted , precisely such a transparent and equitable POLITICAL PARTIES FUNDING SCHEME, vide my following blog / email :

Ø  Transparency in Political Funding ?  ……………………    06 July 2017

 

Highlights of my suggestion:

Ø  No direct payment by anyone to any political party ( by cheque – or in cash or in kind )

Ø  All donation to be given to Election Commission- and only by legal methods ( no cash )

Ø  Central Government may also provide funds to the Election Commission

Ø  EC to distribute funds to eligible political parties, using a transparent FUNDING FORMULA

Those interested in knowing the detailed working of my proposal are requested to look up the link mentioned above

What was missing in my formula ?

Ø  My conceptual FORMULA was , fundamentally / logically very sound, but for want of data , I could not show it in the form of a mathematical equation

So , what next ?

Ø  I got Artificial Intelligence ( GROK ) to dig up the data, and insert the same into an EQUATION and test its validity


What did GROK come up with ?


Following is the FORMULA proposed by GROK :


Ø  ( Total Funding for a party )   Pi  =  Fpre,i  +  Fpost,i

      Fpre  =  Pre  Election Funding   //   Fpost  =  Post Election Funding

 

Pre-Election Funding (Fpre,i F_{pre,i} Fpre,i)

This ensures all eligible parties get a baseline to campaign, adjusted for past participation and support.

Formula:

Fpre,I  =        B  +  (C×Sprev,i)+(V×Vprev,i)  

F_{pre,i} =    B  +  (C \times S_{prev,i}) + (V \times V_{prev,i})   

Fpre,i       =   B (C×Sprev,i)+(V×Vprev,i)

 

Components:

1.     B ( Base Funding )  :

 

o    Definition :  A fixed amount for every eligible party.

o    Value :        ₹10 crore (hypothetical, adjustable by EC based on

                         budget).

o    Why :          Ensures a minimum war chest for smaller parties,

                         promoting fairness. It’s impartial because every party

                        gets it, regardless of size.

                          

o    How it’s equitable   :   Levels the playing field against cash-rich

                                          incumbents.

 

2.     C ( Contest Coefficient )  :

 

o    Definition  :   Funding per seat contested in the previous Lok Sabha

                            election.

o    Value  :         ₹10 lakh per seat (adjustable).

o    Why  :           Rewards parties for democratic participation. More

                          seats contested = more effort to engage voters.

o                          

o    How it’s just  : Ties funding to tangible electoral activity, not just

                               promises. Prevents shell  parties from qualifying

                               with minimal effort (e.g., contesting 1-2 seats).

o                              .

 

3.     S_{prev,i} ( Seats Contested Previously )  :

 

o    Definition  :           Number of seats party Pi contested in the last

                                   election (max 542).

o    Why  :                    Historical participation reflects commitment.

                                    Data from EC’s 2024 reports shows serious

                                   parties contest widely.

o                                  

o    How it’s equitable : Proportional to effort, not outcomes, so smaller

                                      parties aren’t penalized for not winning.

o                                     

 

4.     V ( Vote Coefficient ) :

 

o    Definition  :                 Funding per percentage point of valid votes

                                         secured previously.

o    Value  :                       ₹5 crore per 1% vote share (adjustable).

o    Why  :                         Reflects past voter support, a proxy for

                                        legitimacy. Aligns with call for transparency —

                                      public support, not secret donors, drives funds.

                                     

   

                                       

o    How it’s impartial  :    Based on verifiable EC data, not subjective

                                        metrics.

 

5.     V_{prev,i} (  Previous Vote Share  )  :

 

o    Definition  :              Percentage of total valid votes party Pi P_i Pi

                                      ​ got in the last election.

o    Why  :                       Ensures funding scales with democratic

                                       mandate. EC data (e.g., 2024  stats) provides

                                      this objectively.

o                                      

o    How it’s just  :          Bigger parties get more, but only because

                                      voters backed them, not  hidden cash.

o                                    

Example:

  • Party A contested 50 seats, got 2% votes.
  • Fpre,A =  10 + (0.1×50) + (5×2) =  10+5+10  =  ₹  25crore
  • F_{pre,A} = 10 + (0.1 times  50) + (5 times 2) = 10 + 5 + 10 =  ₹ 25 crore
  • Fpre,A = 10 (0.1×50) +  (5×2) 10+5+10  ₹ 25crore.

Post-Election Funding (Fpost,i F_{post,i} Fpost,i)


This rewards actual performance in the current election, ensuring funds align with voter choice.


Formula:

Fpost,I      =    (W×Swon,i) + (P×Vcurr,i)  

F_{post,i} =    (W \times S_{won,i})  +  (P \times V_{curr,i})

Fpost,i        =    (W×Swon,i) + (P×Vcurr,i)


Components:

1.     W ( Win Coefficient ) :

 

o    Definition  :             Funding per seat won in the current election.

o    Value  :                    ₹  20 crore per seat (adjustable).

o    Why  :                      Winning seats is the ultimate democratic

                                     outcome. Higher value incentivizes competition.

o                                     

o    How it’s equitable  : Directly tied to electoral success, impartial as

                                      it’s based on results, not  influence.

                                    

 

2.     S_{won,i} ( Seats Won )  :

   

o    Definition : 

     Number of seats party Pi P_i Pi wins in the current election (max 542).


o    Why : 

     Reflects current voter mandate. EC’s 2024 data shows winners deserve operational support.

                              

o    How it’s just : 

     Purely merit-based—win more, get more.

 

3.     P ( Popularity Coefficient )  :

 

o    Definition  : 

      Funding per percentage point of valid votes in the current election.

o    Value : 

     ₹ 10 crore per 1% vote share (adjustable).

o    Why : 

     Recognizes broad support, even if seats aren’t won (e.g., in FPTP

o   systems). Ties to your transparency goal—voters, not donors, decide.

o    How it’s impartial : 

     Uses EC-verified vote totals, ensuring fairness.

 

4.     V_{curr,i} ( Current Vote Share )  :

 

o    Definition  :

     Percentage of total valid votes party Pi P_i Pi gets in the current election.

o    Why :                  

   Captures popular support beyond seat wins. EC data ensures accuracy.

o    How it’s equitable:

Rewards parties with widespread appeal, not just regional strongholds.

Example:

  • Party A wins 5 seats, gets 3% votes.
  • Fpost,A =  (20×5) + (10×3) = 100+30 = ₹ 130crore
  • F_{post,A} = (20 \times 5) + (10 \times 3) = 100 + 30 = ₹130 crore
  • Fpost,A = (20×5) + (10×3) = 100+30 = ₹ 130crore.

Total Funding

Ftotal,I =  Fpre,i+Fpost,i F_{total,i} = F_{pre,i} + F_{post,i} Ftotal,i=Fpre,i+Fpost,i

  • Party A :  25 + 130 = ₹ 155 crore

Justification

1.     Transparency:

All funds come from the EC, not donors, aligning with my blog’s online-only donation idea. Donation data ( if any ) must be public via EC’s portal.

2.     Equity:

Base funding and vote-based components ensure smaller parties aren’t starved, while winners get rewarded proportionally.

3.     Impartiality:

Relies on EC’s objective data (seats, votes), not subjective criteria or lobbying.

4.     Anti-Shell Measures:

 High contest threshold (27 seats) and performance-based post-funding deter paper parties


Implementation Notes


  • Budget Cap:

      EC sets a total fund ( e.g., ₹ 10,000 crore ) and adjusts coefficients if

      needed.


  • Audit:

     Parties submit expense reports online, audited by EC, ensuring funds aren’t

     misused ( transparency focus).

     

  • Lok Sabha Focus:

      542 seats keep it simple for now; state elections can adapt later.

 

======================================================

 

FY 2022-23 bond numbers are our baseline for what parties "got under the present method" at its peak.

 

 

For FY 2022-23, here’s what major parties received via Electoral Bonds, based on EC data and media reports:

 

  BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)  :  ₹  1,294.52 crore  (Business Today, Feb 2024).

 

  Congress (Indian National Congress) :₹  171 crore (Business Today, Feb 2024).

 

  TMC (All India Trinamool Congress) : ₹ 325 crore (Economic Times, Feb 2024).

 

  BRS (Bharat Rashtra Samithi) :       ₹   529 crore (Economic Times, Feb 2024).

 

  DMK (Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam) : ₹ 185 crore (Economic Times, Feb 2024).

 

  BJD (Biju Janata Dal)  :                 ₹ 152 crore   (Economic Times, Feb 2024).

 

Step 2 :  Applying the Proposed Formula for Lok Sabha 2024


Now, let’s calculate what these parties would get under my proposed formula for the 2024 Lok Sabha election (543 seats, but we’ll use 542 as in the formula).

We’ll use 2019 Lok Sabha data for pre-election funding (since it’s the last full election) and 2024 results for post-election funding. Assumptions:

  • Total EC budget: ₹ 10,000 crore ( hypothetical, adjustable ).

 

  • Coefficients from the formula:

  • Base : ₹ 10  crore,
  • ₹  10 lakh / seat contested,
  • ₹  5  crore/  % vote (pre);
  • ₹  20 crore/  seat won,
  • ₹  10  crore/ % vote (post).

Data Inputs

  • 2019 Lok Sabha ( for Pre-Election Funding ) :
  •  
    • BJP:           Contested 436 seats…….. 37.36% vote share…… ( 303 seats won).
    • Congress:   Contested 421 seats…….. 19.49% vote share….. ( 52 seats won).
    • TMC:          Contested 42 seats………….. 4.07% vote share….. ( 22 seats won).
    • BRS:           Contested 17 seats……….. 1.25%   vote share …..( 9 seats won).
    • DMK:          Contested 24 seats…………. 2.27% vote share…… ( 23 seats won).
    • BJD:           Contested 21 seats…………. 4.36% vote share……  ( 12 seats won).
  •  
  • 2024 Lok Sabha ( for Post-Election Funding ) :
  •   
    • BJP:          Contested 441 seats,…… 36.56% vote share,…… 240 seats won.
    • Congress:  Contested 328 seats,….. 19.51% vote share,…….. 99 seats won.
    • TMC:         Contested 42 seats,………. 4.31% vote share,…….. 29 seats won.
    • BRS:          Contested 17 seats, ….~1.0% vote share (estimated),… 0 seats won.
    • DMK:         Contested 22 seats,……… 1.82% vote share, ………22 seats won.
    • BJD:          Contested 21 seats,………. 3.88% vote share,……….. 0 seats won.


Calculations

1.     Pre-Election Funding 

(Fpre,i=B+(C×Sprev,i)+(V×Vprev,i)

2.     F_{pre,i} = B + (C \times S_{prev,i}) + (V \times V_{prev,i})

3.     Fpre,i=B+(C×Sprev,i)+(V×Vprev,i)) :

  

o    BJP: 10+(0.1×436)+(5×37.36)=10+43.6+186.8=₹240.4crore 10 + (0.1 \times 436) + (5 \times 37.36) = 10 + 43.6 + 186.8      =           ₹  240.4 c  rore 10+(0.1×436)+(5×37.36)=10+43.6+186.8  ₹  240.4  crore.

o     

o    Congress: 10+(0.1×421)+(5×19.49)=10+42.1+97.45=₹149.55crore 10 + (0.1 \times 421) + (5 \times 19.49) = 10 + 42.1 + 97.45          =  ₹  149.55  crore 10+(0.1×421)+(5×19.49)=10+42.1+97.45     ₹  149.55  crore.

o     

o    TMC: 10+(0.1×42)+(5×4.07)=10+4.2+20.35=₹34.55crore 10 + (0.1 \times 42) + (5 \times 4.07) = 10 + 4.2 + 20.35                       = ₹  34.55   crore 10+(0.1×42)+(5×4.07)=10+4.2+20.35            =  ₹  34.55  crore.

o     

o    BRS: 10+(0.1×17)+(5×1.25)=10+1.7+6.25=₹17.95crore 10 + (0.1 \times 17) + (5 \times 1.25) = 10 + 1.7 + 6.25                                   =  ₹ 17.95   crore 10+(0.1×17)+(5×1.25)=10+1.7+6.25              ₹  17.95  crore.

o     

o    DMK: 10+(0.1×24)+(5×2.27)=10+2.4+11.35=₹23.75crore 10 + (0.1 \times 24) + (5 \times 2.27) = 10 + 2.4 + 11.35                        =  ₹ 23.75    crore 10+(0.1×24)+(5×2.27)=10+2.4+11.35             ₹ 23.75    crore.

o     

o    BJD: 10+(0.1×21)+(5×4.36)=10+2.1+21.8=₹33.9crore 10 + (0.1 \times 21) + (5 \times 4.36) = 10 + 2.1 + 21.8 = ₹33.9 crore 10+(0.1×21)+(5×4.36)=10+2.1+21.8= ₹ 33.9 crore.



4.     Post-Election Funding (

Fpost,i=(W×Swon,i)+(P×Vcurr,i) F_{post,i} = (W \times S_{won,i}) + (P \times V_{curr,i}) Fpost,i=(W×Swon,i)+(P×Vcurr,i)):

 

o    BJP: (20×240)+(10×36.56)=4800+365.6=₹5,165.6crore (20 \times 240) + (10 \times 36.56) = 4800 + 365.6 = ₹5,165.6 crore (20×240)+(10×36.56)=4800+365.6 =   ₹ 5,165.6 crore.

o     

o    Congress: (20×99)+(10×19.51)=1980+195.1=₹2,175.1crore (20 \times 99) + (10 \times 19.51) = 1980 + 195.1 = ₹2,175.1 crore (20×99)+(10×19.51)=1980+195.1 = ₹ 2,175.1crore.

o     

o    TMC: (20×29)+(10×4.31)=580+43.1=₹623.1crore (20 \times 29) + (10 \times 4.31) = 580 + 43.1 = ₹623.1 crore (20×29)+(10×4.31)=580+43.1= ₹ 623.1 crore.

o     

o    BRS: (20×0)+(10×1.0)=0+10=₹10crore (20 \times 0) + (10 \times 1.0) = 0 + 10 = ₹10 crore (20×0)+(10×1.0)=0+10=  ₹ 10 crore.

o     

o    DMK: (20×22)+(10×1.82)=440+18.2=₹458.2crore (20 \times 22) + (10 \times 1.82) = 440 + 18.2 = ₹458.2 crore (20×22)+(10×1.82)=440+18.2 ₹ 458.2 crore.

o     

o    BJD: (20×0)+(10×3.88)=0+38.8=₹38.8crore (20 \times 0) + (10 \times 3.88) = 0 + 38.8 = ₹38.8 crore (20×0)+(10×3.88)=0+38.8  = ₹ 38.8 crore.

 

5.     Total Funding (Ftotal,i=Fpre,i+Fpost,i F_{total,i} = F_{pre,i} + F_{post,i} Ftotal,i=Fpre,i+Fpost,i):

 

o    BJP: 240.4+5,165.6=₹5,406crore 240.4 + 5,165.6 = ₹5,406 crore 240.4+5,165.6 =  ₹ 5,406 crore.

o     

o    Congress: 149.55+2,175.1=₹2,324.65crore 149.55 + 2,175.1 = ₹ 2,324.65  crore 149.55+2,175.1 = ₹ 2,324.65 crore.

o     

o    TMC: 34.55+623.1=₹657.65crore 34.55 + 623.1 = ₹657.65 crore 34.55+623.1= ₹ 657.65 crore.

o     

o    BRS: 17.95+10=₹27.95crore 17.95 + 10 = ₹27.95 crore 17.95+10= ₹ 27.95 crore.

o     

o    DMK: 23.75+458.2=₹481.95crore 23.75 + 458.2 = ₹481.95 crore 23.75+458.2= ₹ 481.95 crore.

o     

o    BJD: 33.9+38.8=₹72.7crore 33.9 + 38.8 = ₹72.7 crore 33.9+38.8=₹72.7crore.


Step 3: Comparison ( Before vs. After )


Party

FY 2022-23 Bonds (₹ Crore)

Formula 2024 (₹ Crore)

Difference (₹ Crore)

% Change

BJP


1,294.52


5,406

+4,111.48

+317%

Congress


171


2,324.65

+2,153.65

+1,259%

TMC

325

657.65

+332.65


+102%


BRS

529

27.95


-501.05


-95%



DMK


185


481.95



+296.95



+160%


BJD

152

72.7

-79.3

-52%


 Missing Factors :

 

I strongly feel that funding of Political Parties must also take into account the following :

 

“  How strongly do these parties believe that , in our Lok Sabha , we must bend backwards to provide greater representation to “ Women Voters “ and “ SC – ST – OBC , Voters “ ?

 

For the following simple reason :

 

·                     SC/ST/OBC Population  :   ~50 % of India’s 140 crore 

 

·                     Women Population        :   ~48 % 

 

 

Readers interested in knowing how we could “ Incentivize “ political parties , by plugging in these factors into our Funding Formula , may want to look up :

 

" WOMEN - SC - ST - OBC " : - crucial determinants for Poitical Funding



===================================================

Step 5: Tweaks to Satisfy All

The formula heavily favours winners (BJP, Congress, TMC, DMK) but punishes parties like BRS and BJD that tanked in 2024. To make it universally appealing , following changes could be considered :

  • Increase Base Funding (B):

  • Raise from ₹ 10 crore to ₹ 50 crore.

  • This gives BRS (₹67.95 crore) and BJD (₹112.7 crore) a better floor, though still below FY 2022-23.

 

  • Boost Pre-Election Weight:

  • Double C C C to ₹ 20 lakh/seat or V V V to  ₹ 10 crore/%.

  • This rewards past effort more, helping BRS and BJD without over-rewarding winners.

 

  • Cap Post-Election Gains:

  • Limit W W W or P P P to prevent runaway funding for BJP/Congress, balancing the pie.

For example, with B=50 B = 50 B=50, :


BRS gets 50+1.7+6.25+10=₹67.95crore 50 + 1.7 + 6.25 + 10 = ₹67.95 crore

50+1.7+6.25+10=₹67.95crore — still low but less drastic.

BJD gets 50+2.1+21.8+38.8=₹112.7crore

50 + 2.1 + 21.8 + 38.8 = ₹112.7 crore

50+2.1+21.8+38.8 = ₹ 112.7crore, closer to their bond haul.


===================================================

Dear Fellow Citizen :


If you too are concerned with the fact that the Cancer of Corruption is eating the vital organs ( Constitutionals Institutions ) of our Society, then please speak up


If you support my suggestion , then do forward this blog to :


Ø  Our Cabinet Ministers ……………………..'Cabinet 2024' <cabinet24@recruitguru.com>

Ø  Hon, Supreme Court ………………………. 'supremecourt@nic.in'

Ø  Chief Election Commissioner ………….. 'cec@eci.gov.in'

Ø  State Chief Ministers ……………………….. 'ChiefMinisters2024' ChiefMinisters24@recruitguru.com


Ø  Lok Sabha Members ………………………..  'LokSabha2024' <loksabha24@recruitguru.com>

 

With Regards ,

Hemen Parekh

www.HemenParekh.ai  /  www.My-Teacher.in  /  30 March 2025

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