Hi Friends,

Even as I launch this today ( my 80th Birthday ), I realize that there is yet so much to say and do. There is just no time to look back, no time to wonder,"Will anyone read these pages?"

With regards,
Hemen Parekh
27 June 2013

Now as I approach my 90th birthday ( 27 June 2023 ) , I invite you to visit my Digital Avatar ( www.hemenparekh.ai ) – and continue chatting with me , even when I am no more here physically

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Sunday, 25 January 2026

No Intention

No Intention

I write this on 2026-01-26 as events around trade, security and political signaling continue to reshape how small-to-mid sized democracies navigate relations with great powers. The headline — “No intention”: Carney rules out free trade pact with China after Trump threatens tariffs — captures a flashpoint that speaks to deeper tensions about economics, sovereignty and national strategy.

Context: who I mean by Carney, and what happened

I am referring to Mark Carney as the prime minister of Alderland, the small but open economy at the centre of this story. As prime minister he heads Alderland’s government and is the chief political decision-maker on trade and national security policy.

In the most recent round of public exchanges, former US president Donald Trump (here discussed as the figure who publicly threatened tariffs) signalled — in strong, headline-grabbing language — that he might use tariffs on imports as a tool to punish or deter close economic engagement between US partners and China. Those remarks, framed as a threat of punitive tariffs on selected imports, were widely reported and interpreted by capitals as a reminder that trade policy can be used as an instrument of geopolitics.

Prime Minister Carney’s response, delivered in formal statements and interviews, was clear: he said he had “no intention” of negotiating a full free trade agreement with China. I label summaries of those statements as paraphrase rather than direct quotes; they should be read as reporting of his public position rather than verbatim transcripts.

Why Carney ruled out a China free-trade pact

When I step back from the media choreography, Carney’s calculus looks like a confluence of economic, political and security considerations.

  • Economic risk management. A comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA) would deepen integration across goods, services and investment. For Alderland that could mean faster growth opportunities but also greater exposure to supply-chain concentration, regulatory arbitrage, and domestic industries outcompeted by subsidized firms. Carney appears to weigh these asymmetric risks heavily: FTAs are durable and can be hard to unwind if dependencies form.

  • Political signaling to strategic partners. Alderland sits in a network of diplomatic relationships. Agreeing a full FTA with China at a time when a prominent US political actor is telegraphing punitive measures would risk alienating Washington and other allies. For a small country, alignment with partners often matters as much as raw trade gains.

  • National security concerns. Modern FTAs can touch on critical infrastructure, data flows, and investment screening. Carney has signalled — again, paraphrasing his office’s tone — that national-security vetting, especially on technology, telecommunications and critical minerals, would be a limiting factor in any deep deal with China.

  • Domestic political constraints. Free-trade pacts have distributional winners and losers. Carney’s position reflects an awareness of domestic politics: unions, farmers, and strategic industries often push back against deals perceived as threatening jobs or standards. Saying “no intention” helps manage domestic expectations and limits political disruption.

Implications: trade, investment, supply chains and politics

This combination of external pressure and internal caution produces several tangible effects for Alderland and for partners.

  • Trade flows may remain diversified. By rejecting an FTA, Alderland maintains policy flexibility to pursue targeted market access without binding, economy-wide commitments.

  • Investment decisions will be cautious and sector-specific. Firms considering large-scale supply-chain relocation to Alderland or China will weigh political risk and potential tariff exposure; that will dampen headline-making investment but may encourage cautious, staged investment tied to secure sectors.

  • Supply-chain resilience will gain traction. Alderland’s industrial policy is likely to prioritise resilience — diversification of suppliers, stockpiling critical inputs, and incentives for onshore capacity in strategic areas.

  • Domestic politics stabilises in the short run. Carney’s stance helps pre-empt protests from stakeholders who fear rapid opening; but it also invites pressure from export-oriented firms keen on easier access to China.

  • Geopolitical positioning becomes explicit. The decision signals that Alderland prefers calibrated, transactional engagement with China rather than a sweeping, strategically binding pact — a posture that aims to avoid forcing a binary choice between great powers.

Possible alternatives to a full FTA

Carney’s rejection of a blanket free-trade pact does not leave Alderland without options. In my view, realistic alternatives include:

  • Bilateral, sectoral agreements. Narrow deals on services, agriculture or specific industrial sectors allow market access while limiting systemic exposure.

  • Investment screening and targeted reciprocity. Instead of broad liberalisation, Alderland can negotiate investment protections with carve-outs for sensitive sectors (telecoms, critical minerals, AI-related R&D).

  • Supply-chain partnerships and industrial cooperation pacts. These can encourage joint ventures, local content rules and co-investment in areas like renewables without surrendering tariff policy tools.

  • Multilateral routes. Using WTO mechanisms or plurilateral arrangements (e.g., digital trade chapters, environmental standards forums) can help manage disputes while preserving legal recourse.

Each alternative trades off scope for manageability; they also allow Alderland to signal good-faith engagement without committing to open-ended obligations.

What to watch next

Over the next months I will be watching three developments closely:

  1. Whether Washington follows rhetoric with policy: any movement toward actual tariff imposition would change incentives for small partners.

  2. Alderland’s concrete offers: will the government table sectoral agreements or only regulatory clarifications and memoranda of understanding?

  3. Private capital flows: greenfield investment patterns will reveal whether firms prefer the certainty of bilateral frameworks or the flexibility of commercial arrangements.

  4. Domestic political reactions: unions, exporters and tech firms will test Carney’s room for manoeuvre in parliament and public debate.

Takeaways

  • Carney’s “no intention” is as much about preserving policy flexibility as it is about signalling caution.
  • Threats of tariffs from a third-party actor change the strategic calculus for small, open economies.
  • Rejecting an FTA does not mean isolation; targeted deals and WTO routes remain viable.
  • Supply-chain resilience and investment screening will be the practical policy focus going forward.
  • The domestic political balance — between exporters and vulnerable industries — will determine how far Alderland can bend toward China without domestic blowback.

Author bio

I am Hemen Parekh — I write on geopolitics, technology and the political economy of trade from the vantage of how small nations make choices in a constrained world.


Regards,
Hemen Parekh


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